Tom Mulcair: Why should we care about the Quebec election?
Since September 1, in Quebec for two consenting Anglo adults to have鈥ontractual relations!
No joke. If you decide to sell your house to your friend Bob, the contract has to be drawn up in French even if you鈥檙e both English. Since Bill 101 was adopted in 1977, French was often required unless you expressly opted out. Now you can鈥檛 opt out. Costs of translation and revision could add thousands to your purchase price.
When this new rule came into effect last week, I was reminded of a conversation I鈥檇 had with a radio colleague in Toronto a couple of days earlier. He鈥檇 let fly with a simple: 鈥渢ell me why I should care about the Quebec election.鈥
His question鈥檚 tone did catch me a bit off guard. It was more along the lines of 鈥渨ho gives a 鈥. what happens there?鈥
I gamely explained that I鈥檇 followed the Ontario election in great detail because I consider what happens in our sister province to be incredibly important to mine. That, taken together, Quebec and Ontario represent over 60 per cent of Canada鈥檚 population and economy鈥
Of course that wasn鈥檛 really the question he鈥檇 been asking so that answer didn鈥檛 get us much further ahead.
鈥淲ho cares about Quebec?鈥ou drive us nuts!鈥 was at the root of his question/statement. Anyone who鈥檚 been in public life from La Belle Province and travelled a bit is familiar with it.
I understand the sentiment: issues of Quebec politics have so dominated the national discourse over the past 50 years - from the October crisis, to the election of the separatist Parti Qu茅b茅cois, through two referendums鈥hat a certain fatigue has set in and 鈥渢ake a hike鈥 (and earthier equivalents) are a not uncommon reaction.
A REVEALING INTERVIEW
Despite that, it is really important for those who do care about the future of this incredible country of ours to pay some attention to Francois Legault as he romps to a second consecutive majority. He has a sympathetic mien and an Everyman way of talking that is transparent, yet calculating all at once.
Prior to the last campaign, he gave a . In it he simply acknowledged the obvious: separation in one fell swoop had been tried twice and failed. He鈥檇 be taking a new approach: more powers in matters of language, culture and immigration. This was what he called "getting there" step by step. "There" being a sort of de facto separation.
Legault has been running circles around Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his hapless Attorney General David Lametti. A couple of weeks ago, Lametti and some of his colleagues met with respected senior representatives of the English-speaking community of Quebec. They were very concerned about the catatonic reaction in Ottawa to the egregiously illegal Bill 96. That was the move by Legault to reduce the equality of English and French in Qu茅bec鈥檚 judicial system and under the constitution.
Trudeau鈥檚 proposed amendments to the Official Languages Act (Bill C-13) could actually make things worse, they feared.
Legault had already taken aim at the constitutionally protected school boards of the English-speaking community. Ottawa could be sounding their death knell and there was real concern.
Back in 1979, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in simultaneous decisions that English and French were equal in the courts and legislatures of Manitoba and Qu茅bec. All steps in the enactment process of legislation had to be bilingual and all proceedings and court documents could be drafted in either language. Later, post-Charter Supreme Court decisions guaranteed control and management of school boards to minority linguistic communities.
Legault claims to have unilaterally amended the 1867 BNA Act, the founding constitutional document of our nation. He purports to have removed the equality of English and French before the courts. Trudeau鈥檚 reaction? Crickets! He鈥檚 terrified of Legault and won鈥檛 do the obvious: challenge Qu茅bec鈥檚 law.
LIKE CHILDREN BLOCKING THEIR EARS
The Charter clearly stipulates that both Houses of Parliament would have to pass resolutions for Legault鈥檚 changes to language rights to take effect. Trudeau and Lametti are like children blocking their ears when this is explained to them. They don鈥檛 want to hear it, even if it鈥檚 there in black and white in the 1982 constitution.
Imagine that a similarly minded government of Manitoba were to attempt to roll back the constitutional guarantees of the francophone minority there. It wouldn鈥檛 have taken a nanosecond for Trudeau and Lametti to intervene. With good reason.
Now ask yourself why the English-speaking minority of Quebec (whose population, depending on definition, is close to that of all of Manitoba) are being told 鈥渟orry, folks, there鈥檚 nothing we can do for you, we鈥檙e too afraid of Legault!鈥.
It鈥檚 the same thing that happened when Legault brought in Bill 21, that openly discriminates against religious minorities in general and Muslim women in particular. He鈥檚 never said why it鈥檚 offensive for a teacher to wear a headscarf, a police officer a turban or a Crown attorney a kippah. He did say, in a Facebook post he put out when the law was enacted, that this is the way we are in Quebec. Meaning real Quebecers are not like you, so remove those religious symbols or whole categories of jobs aren鈥檛 open to you. He鈥檚 preemptively invoked the notwithstanding clause and even if the lower Courts have declared the law discriminatory, they say so far that they can鈥檛 intervene.
There鈥檚 only one person in Canada who can do something and his name is Justin Trudeau. He has the power to refer Bill 21 directly to the Supreme Court but, again, he is too afraid of Legault. All of his emoting on the importance of human rights for all Canadians is just more posturing because when push comes to shove with Legault, Trudeau falls on his keister.
Do you still have a country at all, when citizens鈥 fundamental rights are different depending on where they live?
Does beefing up the protections for the hard-pressed francophone majorities outside of Quebec necessarily have to entail throwing Quebec鈥檚 anglophone community under the bus?
When you have a clear-eyed view of the nation, its history and its future, the answer to both of those questions has to be 鈥渘o.鈥
THE NEXT BIG BATTLE WILL BE IMMIGRATION
It鈥檚 coming at us like a freight train and once again the denizens of Sleepy Hollow (aka Ottawa) have no clue how to deal with it.
Every employers鈥 group, Chamber of Commerce and Board of Trade in Quebec is complaining bitterly that Legault鈥檚 anti-immigrant policies have created a labour shortage that is hurting productivity and business across the province.
Legault鈥檚 answer is pure identity politics. Sounding the alarm about the 鈥渆xtreme鈥 levels of immigration Trudeau has supposedly been imposing,
鈥淨uebec is a nation鈥 Legault insisted over the weekend. 鈥淭hey used to call us a distinct society. We are one of the two founding peoples. I believe we should be allowed to maintain a certain ratio of strength within the House of Commons.鈥
Legault has two fights planned if and when he鈥檚 re-elected: a battle royale over immigration (he wants control of the family reunification category to reduce non French-speakers) and a fight to maintain the same proportion of seats in the House of Commons even if Qu茅bec鈥檚 percentage of Canada鈥檚 population drops.
It鈥檚 not as if we didn鈥檛 know this was coming. Legault鈥檚 game plan could see Canada break apart with a whimper, not a bang. The tragedy is that we have a government in Ottawa that simply doesn鈥檛 have the wherewithal to deal with it.
Tom Mulcair was the leader of the federal New Democratic Party of Canada between 2012 and 2017
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